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He did not recall Berger or anyone else telling him that they had been ready for the magic words from the CIA and the FBI. General Shelton added that there was an outstanding question as to who was responsible and what the targets were.147 Clarke recalled that while the Pentagon and the State Department had reservations about retaliation, the difficulty never got here to a head because the FBI and the CIA never reached a agency conclusion. Shelton wished to exhibit that the navy was imaginative and educated sufficient to move on an array of options, and to indicate the complexity of the operations. For the first time, Clarke’s varied proposals-for aid to the Northern Alliance and the Uzbeks and for Predator missions-went before the group that, within the Bush NSC, would do many of the policy work.Though they made no choices on these specific proposals, Hadley apparently concluded that there should be a presidential nationwide security policy directive (NSPD) on terrorism.188 Clarke would later express irritation about the deputies’ insistence that a strategy for coping with al Qaeda be framed inside the context of a regional coverage.

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She determined additionally that Clarke should retain the title of nationwide counterterrorism coordinator, though he would no longer be a de facto member of the Principals Committee on his points.The decision to maintain Clarke, Rice mentioned,was “not uncontroversial,” since he was known as somebody who “broke china,” but she and Hadley wanted an experienced crisis supervisor. Such strikes can be acts of self-defense that wouldn't violate the ban on assassinations in Executive Order 12333.The massive issues-who would pay for what,who would authorize strikes,and who would pull the set off-have been left for the principals to settle.The Defense Department representatives did not take positions on these points.244 The CIA’s McLaughlin had additionally been reticent.When Hadley circulated a memorandum making an attempt to prod the deputies to achieve agreement,McLaughlin sent it again with a handwritten comment on the price-sharing:“we query whether or not it is advisable to make such an investment before the choice is taken on flying an armed Predator.” For Clarke, this got here close to being a last straw. Clarke and the CIA’s Cofer Black renewed the push to aid the Northern Alliance. No such ultimatum was issued.143 Nearly a month later, on December 21, the CIA made another presentation to the Small Group of principals on the investigative team’s findings.The CIA’s briefing slides said that their “preliminary judgment” was that Bin Ladin’s al Qaeda group “supported the attack” on the Cole, based mostly on strong circumstantial evidence tying key perpetrators of the attack to al Qaeda.The CIA listed the key suspects, together with Nashiri.

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Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage instructed us that while U.S. While Clarke remained involved concerning the pace of the policy review, he now saw a better chance of persuading the deputies to acknowledge the changed nature of terrorism.193 The means of fleshing out that technique was under means. Given the generally unfavorable view of Pakistan on Capitol Hill, the thought of lifting sanctions could have seemed far-fetched, however maybe no more so than the idea of persuading Musharraf to antagonize the Islamists in his own government and nation.215 On June 18, Rice met with the visiting Pakistani foreign minister, Abdul Sattar. Pakistan” and discover coverage options on Afghanistan, “including the option of supporting regime change.”192 Working-degree officials had been also to think about new steps on terrorist financing and America’s perennially troubled public diplomacy efforts in the Muslim world, where NSC employees warned that “we have by and large ceded the courtroom of public opinion” to al Qaeda.

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